Mexico’s Response to the San Pedro Xalostoc Highway Accident

Tags

, , , , , , ,

Here is a link to my latest article on AQBlog, titled “Mexico’s Response to the San Pedro Xalostoc Highway Accident“, published on May 15th, 2013. Please feel free to visit and comment. Here is a verbatim copy of it in case you prefer to read it on my personal blog, though I recommend actually going to the site because of additional content, other blogger’s articles, etc.

It was 5:30 am on Tuesday, May 7, when a “full trailer” truck (which can carry loads up to 75.5 tons) transporting LP gas skidded off the Mexico City-Pachuca highway, exploded and caused a horrific tragedy, resulting in over 20 deaths and structural damage in the settlement of San Pedro Xalostoc, Ecatepec.

Initial investigations from authorities have determined that the cause of the accident was human error on the driver’s part. They’ve also stated that both the company and the transport unit involved were registered and verified and met maintenance and security standards. The gas company involved has already declared it will fully cooperate with the government’s investigation and, if deemed responsible for the tragedy, will pay damages.

Unfortunately, for a federal government concerned more with appearances than substance, this is not enough. Vast coverage on national media has urged President Enrique Peña Nieto’s team—through the Secretaría de Comunicaciones y Transportes (Ministry of Communications and Transport—SCT)—to seem like it is on top of things by pledging to prioritize reforms that will prevent accidents like this one in the future, no matter the collateral damage of those reforms.

Anyone who has driven down U.S. and Mexican highways can attest that Mexican highways are inferior and more dangerous. The materials used in Mexico are substandard and make roads slippery. Road development and maintenance are also terrible: highways have too few guardrails, too many potholes, poorly planned intersections, terrible signaling, and sharp inclines on dangerous curves. Many of our highways have tolls, but you wouldn’t know it from their disrepair. Moreover, there is no effective urban planning. In many cases, highway speed limits are set without consideration for residential areas near the road. Houses built within 165 feet (50 meters) of a non-protected high speed highway are normal in Mexico.

But none of these shortcomings, which cause close to 30,000 accidents a year on Mexico’s highways, have influenced the SCT’s populist response to the tragedy. Here’s why: first, mentioning them could be interpreted as an acceptance of co-responsibility in the San Pedro Xalostoc tragedy. Second, addressing these situations is hard work and would demand additional government spending. Instead, the SCT has resolved to revise NOM-12-SCT-2-2008—the norm that allows 75.5 ton trucks to transport goods throughout the country. Revisions to the regulation are expected to be in place by May 31 and will likely prohibit what are commonly referred to as “full trailers” on Mexico’s highways.

If this does happen, the federal government will have made yet another populist decision; common folk hate full trailers. They are a nuisance to drivers and are slow and hard to pass. They are also harder to control and to drive than a normal sedan. Yet, prohibiting the 75.5-ton truck will cause more damage rather than actually solving the problem.

According to SCT, full trailer trucks are involved in 3 percent of registered accidents and 2.2 percent of fatalities on highways. This is partly because drivers of any 75.5-ton vehicle need special training and certifications; on the contrary, the process to get a normal driver’s license in Mexico sometimes doesn’t even require a road test and renewals are done through simple paperwork. Experts drive trailer trucks, amateurs drive everything else.

As the Xalostoc tragedy shows, trailer truck drivers are not immune from having accidents, but the numbers put the frequency of trailer truck accidents in perspective. Outlawing full trailer trucks will not make highways significantly safer.

Moreover, given their cost efficiency, 75.5-ton trailers are used by practically all of Mexico’s large industries to transport raw materials and finished products. Changing NOM-12-SCT-2-2008 could double logistics costs for companies such as Soriana, Bimbo, FEMSA, and others. Companies will only have two options to offset cost increases: raise the prices of consumer-goods and/or cut other fixed costs (financial business jargon for massive layoffs). Neither option is good for Mexicans, but it is unlikely that many will draw the parallel to equate the SCT decision with higher prices and/or layoffs.

The suffering and loss from the Xalostoc tragedy is no small thing. Emotions are high and people want to point fingers. The Mexican people have an impulse to find someone to blame and make them pay; that’s understandable. But to solve the real problems we face, Mexico does not need a government that opts for populist decisions to put out media fires and appease its constituents. It needs a government that creates and implements effective solutions.

At a time when economic slowdown is set to burst Peña Nieto’s miracle bubble, the government should be looking for ways to catalyze industrial growth and performance, not hinder it in exchange for a positive news headline.

Image

Happy Palomo Day

Tags

El día de hoy unimos nuestros corazones, alzamos las manos al cielo y desde todos los rincones del mundo lanzamos esta universal plegaria por el eterno descanso de nuestro héroe, ídolo y amigo: Eduardo Palomo. Para todos los países que observan esta importante fecha, se les recuerda que el día de hoy se suspenden clases y no habrán servicios bancarios.

Obama and Peña Nieto Focus on the Economy Over Immigration and Security

Tags

, , , , , , ,

Here is a link to my latest article on Americas Quarterly, titled “Obama and Peña Nieto Focus on the Economy Over Immigration and Security“, published on May 7th, 2013. Please feel free to visit and comment. Here is a verbatim copy of it in case you prefer to read it on my personal blog, though I recommend actually going to the site because of additional content, other articles, etc. Thanks for visiting my blog!

—–

Building up to their meeting in Mexico City on May 2, the administrations of both U.S. President Barack Obama and Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto hinted that economic ties would be the focal point of their one-on-one meeting. In an interview with Americas Quarterly prior to the trip, Obama reiterated this, saying that he would “be discussing with President Peña Nieto how we can continue to reduce barriers to trade and investment.”

With commerce and economic cooperation pushing immigration and security to the backburner of the agenda, the two leaders made a strategic decision to avoid some of the more difficult issues gripping each country.

It comes as no surprise that the two leaders would want to play it safe. There is just too much at stake in the countries’ economic interdependencies: Mexico is the United States’ third-largest trading partner, while the U.S. is Mexico’s largest trading partner. These ties have grown stronger (and Mexico’s asymmetrical dependence on the U.S. economy has grown larger) since the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was put into place, and pave the way toward even greater cooperation under the auspices of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which could be completed by the end of this year.

Moreover, there would be no political gain for either Obama or Peña Nieto with a focus on security and/or immigration.

On immigration, President Obama does not have the leeway to promise anything or deliver on that promise as comprehensive immigration reform will depend on the extent to which the U.S. Congress can continue to work in a bipartisan manner in the months ahead.

In Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto has not been as vocal as his predecessors about the urgent need to tackle the immigration problem perhaps because he understands that a vocal push for reform from the Mexican president may be seen as foreign meddling in what is often seen as a domestic issue. Like all Mexican presidents, he has used the scripted language about defending our countrymen’s rights outside of our borders. But he has not committed to steps such as requiring proper documentation for travelers along Mexico’s southern border that would help reduce the number of Central Americans who illegally cross into Mexico on route to the United States.

At the same time, agreement and mutual understanding on how to improve security is not the same as when the Partido Acción Nacional (National Action Party—PAN) was in power. Former Mexican President Felipe Calderón was more willing to work hand-in-hand with U.S. authorities on security issues, with U.S. drone planes often flying over Mexico’s national borders and information exchange and training common between U.S. and Mexican law enforcement officials. These practices are now under scrutiny by Peña Nieto. His administration has recently announced plans to reevaluate Calderón’s war on drugs strategy, including an intention to “restrict U.S. involvement in [Mexico’s] security efforts.”

Peña Nieto’s stated reason for reassessing Mexico’s security strategy is to focus on reducing violence rather than continuing a head-on war against the cartels. However, for a president still struggling with establishing legitimacy, and aware that the largest stain in Calderón’s legacy was the close to 70,000 deaths related to the war on drugs, it is also an intelligent political choice to throw a disappearing cloak over the issue of security. His priority is to focus the public’s attention on quick wins and success stories.

Obama, for his part, faces few domestic pressures when it comes to Mexico’s security issues and must justifiably focus his attention on Syria, North Korea and domestic challenges. When Obama was asked about security collaboration after his meeting with the Mexican president, his statement that “the nature of that cooperation will evolve” and that Mexico and the U.S. would “cooperate on a basis of mutual respect” is no coincidence. This is definitely a step back from what Obama referred to as “a shared responsibility” in 2009.

During their photo-op after Thursday’s meeting, Obama tried to focus on the commitments that he and Peña Nieto made for economic development. “Too often, two issues get attention: security or immigration,” he said. Unfortunately for both Mr. Obama and Mr. Peña Nieto, there is a reason for that: these issues are closer to constituents’ hearts than the promise of better macroeconomic levels, which may or may not trickle down and actually improve their daily lives.

The promise of a closer trade relationship, joint investment on competitiveness and a forecast of economic growth for both countries should positively affect the security environment in Mexico and the future flow of undocumented immigrants to the United States. But bilateral agreements on how to frame a common strategy to tackle both of these critical issues will have to wait for another day.

Obama meets with Peña Nieto: A bitter aftertaste

This is an EDITORIAL version/supplement to an analytical piece recently published… sort of like an “Altered Lyrics” version.

Obama meets with Peña Nieto: A bitter aftertaste

Building up to their meeting on May 2nd, both U.S. President Barack Obama and Mexico’s President Enrique Peña Nieto’s teams hinted that economic ties would be the focal point of their one-on-one. In a recent interview with Americas Quarterly’s Chris Sabatini, Obama reiterated this by stating that upon his trip to Mexico he would “be discussing with President Peña Nieto how we can continue to reduce barriers to trade and investment.”

While statements such as this one seem sterile enough and would be expected from any diplomatic visit, reading between the lines proves an unequivocal fact: effective cooperation at addressing immigration and security in a joint fashion between U.S. and Mexico has been hindered and forced to drop a few notches in the priority list of the bilateral agenda.

It comes as no surprise that the two leaders would want to play it safe, be nice and not deal with the issues that would have turned this visit into a sour one. There is just too much at stake in the countries’ economic interdependencies: Mexico is the United States’ third largest trading partner while the U.S. is Mexico’s largest trading partner. These ties have grown stronger (and Mexico’s asymmetrical dependency on the U.S. economy larger) ever since NAFTA was put into place and they pave the way towards the mutual ambition of a successful Trans-Pacific Partnership aiming completion by the end of this year.

Moreover, there would be no political gain for either Obama or Peña from their constituencies if this visit’s conclusion would have been a heated discussion of topics for which no agreement could have been reached. The divide on immigration and security is just too wide:

With regards to immigration, Barack Obama does not have the leeway to promise anything or deliver on that promise, especially at a moment where the U.S. Congress is entangled in a way too politicized debate on the issue, which will likely have a similar conclusion to the recently thwarted gun bill. Many Republicans in Capitol Hill accuse Obama of using them as scapegoats for his administration’s inability to get work done, whereas POTUS has threatened that he will veto an immigration bill which does not show a clear path towards citizenship of all illegal immigrants. For whatever the reasons, Bipartisan support for comprehensive immigration reform is just not there and Obama knows his will probably not be the last word should a bill eventually be put to vote.

On the other side of the equation, Enrique Peña Nieto has not been as vocal as his predecessors about urgency to tackle the immigration problem. Like all Mexican presidents, he has included the scripted language about defending our countrymen’s rights outside of our borders in his speeches but he has not really given any hint of committing to the work needed for an effective bilateral immigration plan to work, including hiking up enforcement of traveling with proper documentation (especially in the southern border of Mexico). And while Mexican public officials tend to steer clear of stating this fact, with remittances (mostly) from illegal immigrants amounting up to $22,400 million dollars in 2012, there is very little incentive to mess with a system that has been effective in injecting money into the country.

During their photo-op after meeting, Obama tried to center attention of his visit on the commitments made for economic development. “Too often two issues get attention: security or immigration,” he said. Unfortunately for both Mr. Obama and Mr. Peña, there is a reason for that: these issues are closer to constituents’ hearts and day to day lives in Mexico than the promise of better macroeconomic levels which may or may not trickle down to them. If you had a choice between stopping a barrage of bullets coming towards you from a U.S.-bought semi-automatic weapon in the hands of a narco and a marginal growth in national GDP, which would you choose?

Then again agreement and mutual understanding on how to deal with the security issue is not as attainable as it used to be when the PAN was in power. Peña Nieto’s administration has recently announced plans to reevaluate Calderon’s war on drugs strategy, including an intention to “restrict U.S. involvement in [Mexico’s] security efforts” and a series of actions sidelining U.S. law enforcement have already taken place, proving that this is not just nationalistic rhetoric.

While the reasons Peña states to reassess the security strategy include a focus to reduce armed violence resulting from a head-on war against the cartels, braver and bolder men than me might openly speculate about his real motives to scale down drug-trafficker prosecution. Also, the Mexican President seems more concerned with the cosmetics of his policies and how his government is portrayed in the national and international press than on the effectiveness of his strategies so on this subject, it seems a more intelligent political choice to throw a disappearing cloak over the issue and try to get the public’s attention on other quick wins which are easier to sell as success stories in order to strengthen his political party’s footing in the country.

Obama faces different domestic pressures when it comes to dealing with Mexico’s security issue, which is another way of saying that he faces none. With a much broader international agenda than Peña’s, he has a (justifiable) larger vetted interest in dealing with Syria, North Korea and domestic problems gnawing at his legacy, including the inability to reach bipartisan agreement on anything with Congress.

Simply put, as long as placing guns in hands of people who shoot each other in Mexico and send drugs up to the U.S. does not become a widespread public concern or a threat to national security, unfortunately for Mexico, Mr. Obama has bigger fish to fry and given the sequester, not a lot of oil to fry them with.

It is no coincidence that when asked about collaboration on the security issue after meeting with the Mexican President, Obama said “the nature of that cooperation will evolve” and that Mexico and the U.S. would “cooperate on a basis of mutual respect” which is definitely a step back from what he referred to as “a shared responsibility” in 2009.

So in conclusion, we can expect very little on security or immigration to be addressed jointly between the two nations during the Obama and Peña administrations and from this bilateral meeting, conform ourselves with a vague U.S.-Mexico promise of a prosperous macroeconomic future together.

And the band played on…

Mexico’s First Lady among the best dressed… and that’s about it for now

Tags

, , , , , , ,

Here is a link to my latest article on AQBlog, titled “Mexico’s First Lady among the best dressed… and that’s about it for now“, published on March 22nd, 2013. Please feel free to visit and comment. Here is a verbatim copy of it in case you prefer to read it on my personal blog, though I recommend actually going to the site because of additional content, other blogger’s articles, etc.

In a recent online article, Vanity Fair mentioned Angélica Rivera –wife of Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto–among the top-10 best dressed first ladies in the world. The piece was innocent enough and not unlike the lighthearted articles usually included in this publication. And yet, the article caught wildfire and was highlighted in Mexico’s mainstream media and newspapers, as if making the list was an incredible achievement and a coveted award.

Why is this? My best guess is that since Ms. Rivera has been out of the spotlight since she married and campaigned with Peña Nieto, the President’s PR team grabbed ahold of what they could to give her some sort of national print exposure. If this is the case, staying true to her past as a telenovela star, it seems the most we should expect from her in the coming years will be a pretty face in a pretty dress and a lovely TV smile.

The first 100 days of Peña Nieto’s presidency have come and gone and any political analyst would likely conclude that, whether you agree with his politics or not, the President’s team is doing a good job of portraying him as a hands-on leader who gets the job done. In recent weeks he’s made headlines by pushing forward a much-needed Education Reform, a Victims Protection Law and new Telecom policies.  Getting rid of Elba Esther Gordillo, the leader of the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación (National Teachers Union—SNTE), certainly boosted Peña Nieto’s numbers as well.  And while I would not argue that the first lady’s role should be as relevant as the elected official’s, a look back at Rivera’s track record after the first 100 days in the Presidential residence of Los Pinos, reveals a blank slate and missed opportunities.

Traditionally, Mexico’s first lady is awarded the honorary position of president of the Sistema Nacional para el Desarrollo Integral de la Familia México (Integral Family Development National System Advisory Board—DIF).  Rivera accepted the role just a couple of weeks ago, having remained in the shadows up until then.

In Mexico’s history, the role of first lady has had its ups and downs, but in general, civil society does not expect the wives of Mexican presidents to be protagonists. In fact, most people tend to forget them a couple of years after their husbands’ terms end. But Rivera is not your run-of-the-mill first lady and if Peña Nieto’s team is intelligent, they will know that this time different rules apply.

Unlike other Mexican first ladies, Rivera was famous long before she became Peña Nieto’s wife, due to her career as a Televisa actress. Her nickname, “La Gaviota,” refers to a character she played in the telenovelaDestilando Amor.” When she married Peña Nieto, the public perceived it as an arranged marriage, thought out by the big heads in the PRI party and the telecommunications giant Televisa, to create the perfect candidate to return the PRI to power. After series of public gaffes, the public perceived both Rivera and the President as incompetent, shallow (but very handsome) puppets of the powers that be. After their marriage, social media went crazy, portraying Rivera as a bimbo who’s only positive attributes where her looks. Old pictures of her wearing a bikini inspired a series of jokes and memes.

As a former pop celebrity with a Barbie doll façade, Rivera is and will be under much more pressure and public scrutiny than her predecessors. Selling her to the Mexican public and the world as “one of the best dressed” just makes it easier for PRI detractors to continue accusing the couple of being a PRI-Televisa precooked dish, served specially for a dumbed-down, but hungry for junk food, citizenry.

In its article, Vanity Fair placed Rivera among good (and very stylish) company, including Queen Rania of Jordan and U.S. First Lady Michelle Obama. But whereas Obama has taken a leadership role in the U.S. by advocating healthy living and exercise and Queen Rania’s education and social work has arguably made her even more popular than King Abdullah II himself, La Gaviota’s past as a model, actress and failed singer, is not something a lot of first ladies would brag about.

If harnessed correctly, Rivera’s stardom could actually catapult her to a new role as a promoter of Mexico’s social well-being. Look at Shakira’s and Ricky Martin’s incursions in nonprofit causes in the region. It doesn’t take a genius to figure out that fame is a great catalyst for driving the social agenda in Latin America—and arguably the world (greetings, Bono). But it seems that with Rivera, the PR team that created the Presidential match-made-in-heaven has not yet picked up on this potential.

If the Atlacomulco and Azcárraga puppet-masters want to ensure their investment works and the PRI remains in power longer than six years, their strategy has to be bullet-proof. Among other things, if they really want to make sure that people buy this “new” PRI that’s got its act together, they can’t allow Mexico’s low expectations of Rivera’s performance as first lady to come true. A pretty dress will only get you so far.

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 1,447 other followers